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Zašto moramo intervenirati kako bismo stvorili sigurna utočišta u Iraku

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06-12-iraq-mosul-reuter-rtr3ta4g-300x87Mišljenje strane Mardean Isaac,  Konzervativni dom 

Iraq, a country with which Britain went to war and whose modern state Britain helped to create just over a decade ago is engulfed in a crisis of historic proportions. The minority peoples of Iraq – including the ethnically Assyrian Christian population, Shabaks, Turkomen, and Yazidis – are in the midst of genocide at the hands of ISIS, or the Islamic State.

The discourse from British politicians and officials has so far focused on issues of domestic terrorism and humanitarian assistance. These matters are clearly essential. But, as Parliament reconvenes, an erudite, detailed, and creative discussion on what Britain’s role should be in restoring Iraq’s sovereignty and assisting its most vulnerable citizens must be an urgent priority. Entire peoples face eradication.
 
In recent memory, the UK government has played a leading role in helping the Kurds of northern Iraq — who were facing another round of ethnic cleansing from Saddam Hussein in the fallout of the uprising against him — secure a safe haven in 1991. This endeavour, known as Operation Provide Comfort, has faded in the collective — even the more specialised — British memory. Perhaps the operation was too abstruse, and its achievements apparently too subtle.
 
No, pomračeni invazijom 2003., trebali bismo se podsjetiti da se blagotvorni utjecaj sigurnog utočišta još uvijek osjeća u regiji Iraka koju kontrolira KRG. Siguran koridor i zona repatrijacije, uspostavljeni putem operativno koordiniranih međunarodnih snaga pod vodstvom Britanije, omogućili su oko 450,000 Kurda da se sigurno vrate u Dohuk i drugdje u roku od pet tjedana od protjerivanja. Pod okriljem ovog sigurnog utočišta, regionalna vlada Kurdistana tada se uspjela uspostaviti i razviti.
 
Operacija bi se trebala koristiti kao presedan za stvaranje sigurne zone u ime Asiraca, Jezida i drugih manjina sjevernog Iraka, s obzirom na njihovu dugoročnu poluautonomiju unutar iračke države.
 
There are several reasons why an operation is more propitious now than in 1991. ISIS has no airpower, rendering the no-fly zone component of the operation needless. The safe zone would not be in conflict with a belligerent state like Saddam’s Iraq, but would rather proceed — as long as certain provisions regarding its long-term territorial and national status were met — with the support of the current Iraq government. In fact, the Iraqi government approved the creation of a province in Nineveh in January, which was set to establish a basis for the semi-autonomy long advocated by Assyrian leaders.
 
Iako je invazija 2003. često zlostavljana u Britaniji zbog nedostatka međunarodne potpore, Odbor UN -a za uklanjanje rasne diskriminacije upravo je preporučio stvaranje sigurne zone u Ninivi i zato što operacija ne bi bila čin rata ili režima promjene, mogao bi se pozvati niz stranaka da pomognu britanskim snagama. Snage koje stvaraju sigurnu zonu ne bi izvršile upad na neprijateljski teritorij, već su oblikovale zaštićeno područje unutar već uspostavljene, savezne demokratske države kojoj je hitno potrebno jačanje.
 
The safe zone operation would also address the urgent refugee crisis in Northern Iraq. Following mass expulsions from Mosul, Sinjar, and the Nineveh Province, around 450,000 citizens — mainly ethnic Assyrians and Yazidis — have arrived in Kurdish controlled areas. The infrastructural and humanitarian crisis facing these dispossessed families is immense: in short, they have lost everything that constituted their lives. They line roads, parks, and every available public space in the cities of Dohuk and Erbil. They are in desperate need of food, shelter, and medical supplies.
 
The sooner a return is facilitated, the more aid and infrastructural development can be focused on the rehabilitation and development of the homes, towns, and cities minorities were forced to abandon. This would avoid the creation of ad hoc sites for dispossessed people — the likes of which have been created in Jordan, Lebanon, and Turkey to house Syrian refugees whose homes and cities have been completely destroyed — that have entrenched the dislocation of refugees without providing them with a chance to guide their own futures.
 
The withdrawal of both the Kurdish Peshmerga and Iraqi army forces from the north — which exposed non-Kurdish, non-Arab minority peoples to ethnic cleansing — is a savage illustration of the urgent need for locally derived security forces with a stake in their communities to defend their own soil. The training and equipping of these forces, as units of the Iraqi army, would be another aim of the safe zone operation. As part of a federal Iraq, the presence of these sanctioned security units would contribute to the state’s territorial and national coherence.
 
Međutim, bilo bi opasno naivno vjerovati da će te jedinice biti dovoljne da spriječe daljnje napade Islamske države ili drugih ekstremističkih frakcija. Na kraju, mora postojati iračka vojska posvećena zaštiti Iraka kao države. Dubinu suvremene fragmentacije u Iraku ne treba potcjenjivati, ali ona je manje rezultat urođenih podjela nego tendencija potaknutih iračkim političkim sustavom i posljedica nasilja unutar zemlje u posljednjem desetljeću. Što se dulje podjele smiju gnojiti, regionalna će slika postati mračnija. Iz krajnosti ove krize mora izaći niz ostvarenja koja će uskladiti iračko vodstvo i potaknuti Iračane da shvate i potaknuti ih da nadograđuju svoje zajedničke, kolektivne nacionalne interese.
 
Unatoč zastrašujućoj složenosti predstojećeg zadatka, Britanija mora iskoristiti ovo razdoblje fragmentacije kao priliku da odigra vodeću ulogu ne samo u pružanju zaštite manjinama na sjeveru, već i u stvaranju smislenog mjesta za njih u njihovoj zemlji. Obrnuo bi neke od najstrašnijih skrnavljenja ljudskog dostojanstva, civilizacijske baštine i nacionalnog integriteta posljednjih desetljeća, te bi stvorio svjetionik pravde, reda i nade u zemlji i regiji na rubu još većih previranja.
 
Mardean Isaac je britansko-asirski pisac i britanski predstavnik A Demand for Action, globalne inicijative za zaštitu manjina u Iraku i Siriji.

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